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Subject: The elastic German defense post-Kursk
kalaloch    10/10/2005 12:00:07 PM
A number of theories have been forwarded; some quite good; but let's focus on the actual situation as it existed on the morning of July 13, 1943. It is arguable that FM von Manstein was the best field tactician the Germans possessed during World War II. Model's niche was in making the best of a bad situation on the defensive with what resources were available, his particular shortcoming was a willingness to believe his own "press releases". Those who have studied Kursk/Citadel can point to a number of events that might be termed a "tipping-point", but I look primarily at daylight of July 13. At this point, the entire Steppe Front was rolling in, and Germany had no fresh reserves on an equivelant scale to match this force. Further, Hitler went into an absolute panic when the Western Allies invaded Sicily. Germany was also saddled with the difficulties of having to station troops in the Balkans; both because of a less than fully cooperative local population, and the very real possibility of a Western Allies invasion. Evidence points out that both Hoth and Manstein wanted to press on after July 12; with the reasoning being that even if the operational goals could not be met, the Soviets could be severely damaged. The situation on the north face of the Kursk salient was quite grave, and even Model could see the writing on the wall in so far as the fate of Orel. Others have pointed out, accurately, that by the time of Kursk, Germany was under pressure along many lines. The Anglo-American strategic bombing campaign was begging to become a real problem, and a consistent source of drawing away fighter aircraft that were desperately needed in action against the Soviets. The decision to hold onto and fight for Italy was far more for political rather than strategic reasons. At July of 1943, the Western Allies would have faced great difficulty pursuing an offensive campaign through Italy and into southern Europe even if Hitler had elected to deploy less force there. The greatest military threat that came from the Allies holding Italy were closer airfields that put a knife at the throat of the German-controlled oil fields in the Balkans and southeast Europe. Never the less, defending Italy did tie down enough Allied resources to buy Hitler time to further prepare and strengthen the West Wall defenses; as it was now only a matter of time, and location, before the Allies invaded western Europe. Although Germany suffered tremdous tank and infantry losses during Kursk; and the most critical result of the battle was the permanent loss of the strategic initiative to the Soviets; they were by no means broken. The late summer and autumn of 1943 saw great improvements in weapon systems on both the German and Soviet forces. The KV-85 began appearing in numbers, along with the T-34/85, while the "teething" problems with the Panther were resolved, and greater numbers of tank destroyers (like Nashorn and Marder-III) were reaching the combat areas in greater numbers. Additionally, Lend-Lease cannot be emphasized enough. As others have pointed out, the sheer number of locomotives; and most especially tens of thousands of trucks and halftracks; allowed the Soviets to concentrate production on armor and frontal aviation. In particular, the trucks provided through Lend-Lease gave the Soviets an ability in mobile, in-depth operations they had lacked in 1941-1942. The other side of this equation is that, despite the successes of the Allied strategic bombing campaign, the Germans were able to increase weapons production steadily throughout 1943. Much of NATO's ground defensive strategy was modeled after examining actions by the Germans (often heavily outnumbered) against the Soviets in the fall of 1943, and the winter-spring of 1944. With few exceptions, the Germans always retained better communications, and with it, superior command and control of what forces; these crisis "fire brigades"; were available to counter Soviet thrusts. This was a realm in which Manstein excelled. However, to be successful, Hitler would have had to be convinced to trade space for operational superiority; and the very idea of surrendering conquered ground was anethma for Adolf. Further, people shouldn't overlook the "personality" issues post-Kursk. Model was certainly more of an ardent Nazi than Manstein, and so in Hitler's eyes was to be more trusted and relied upon, rather than these risky moves von Manstein proposed, which involved giving up ground taken by Germany. The other side of that is a genius isn't always at the top of his game every day; and despite that the outcome of Citadel was clearly obvious by July 14, Manstein wanted to press the attack. I believe that the historical evidence points to A) IF Hitler had approved a rapid withdrawl to the Dneiper by August 1st, 1943, the Germans could have built a formidable defense against any further westward movement by the Soviets, and B)had Manstein and Model been given a more free hand in operation
 
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S-2    RE:The elastic German defense post-Kursk?Kalaloch Reply   10/10/2005 6:41:04 PM
"... A) IF Hitler had approved a rapid withdrawl to the Dneiper by August 1st, 1943, the Germans could have built a formidable defense against any further westward movement by the Soviets, and B)had Manstein and Model been given a more free hand in operations with Army Group Center and Army Group South, the Soviets would have been mauled badly by the time they reached the Dneiper." Some thoughts. Sicily/Italy was an "economy of force" mission already, as had been Africa. Any fewer troops by the Germans, and the true value of Italy would have been an avenue to the southern German border, unopposed. Terrain added immensely to the German effort, but anything less by the Germans would have actually made Churchill's "soft underbelly" soft. Hitler showed both flexibility and prescience in calling off the attack, though both Hoth and Von Manstein did have a point about attriting the Soviet forces continuing to arrive in the south (5th GTA and others of the Koniev's Steppe Front)- but in fact they were proposing to hold the wolf by the throat by this point. Hitler actually allowed Model to withdraw to the Hagan Line by late July, which sacrificed Orel but stabilized the Heer Groupe Mittre east of Minsk (around Vitebsk, Mogilev, and Orsha)until June, 1944. Secondly, without the S.S. Corps (minus Liebstandardte, with Viking)displacing south in late July, the Mius front cracks-with a direct path to Kremenchug and the lower Dnieper crossings. Your first point about a coherant, articulated defense of the Dnieper from, I presume, Kiev on south through the great bend by August 1 just isn't possible unless you forego Kursk altogether, and withdraw from the Crimea, something Hitler was adamantly opposed to. Remember, German forces from the South Ukraine Army Group were still fighting around Melitipol in the Spring of 44. I believe that Sevastopol was recaptured about the same time. Further, a withdrawal, in the absence of Kursk, would still have required massive planning and eloquent execution to extract the entire Army Groupe Sud from the Kharkov and Mius fronts 600km west to the lower Dnieper and into prepared defenses. Clearly, if accomplished, forces wasted at Kursk would have been available in this defense, but Soviet forces would have also been fresh, and sensitive to any wholesale withdrawal, even with significant forces behind to delay the Red Army's inevitable close pursuit. Here, by the way, is where, once again, Von Manstein would be in his element. If able to coherantly withdraw his immobile assets behind the Dnieper while leaving much of his panzer forces (48th Panzer Corps, II S.S. Panzer Corps, Breith's III Panzer Corps from A.Ab. Kempf)to cover the withdrawal, I'm sure he would have repeatedly spanked the Red Army all the way back to the Dnieper, but the correlation of forces may have been similar to actual events. By August 1, the Mius Front had been in battle for two weeks, and the Steppe Front attacked Kharkov, capturing Belgorod in three days. Huge battles were fought southeast of Akhtyrka, near Bogodukhov, and around Kharkov, captured in late August. Within a week, the race was on for the river. Equipment. In fact, the Panther still experienced considerable teething issues through the fall of 1943. Moreover, numbers were still inadequate with Panzer Abteilungs returning from Germany and immediately committed piecemeal, and without adequate maintanence/recovery capabilities in the retreat to the Dnieper. Not very comforting. These units were rendered nonfunctional within weeks under the circumstances, leaving much of the battle in the hands of the remaining Mk IVs, who were experiencing difficulties cleanly penetrating the new T-34/85 at normal engagement ranges.
 
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Carl S    RE:The elastic German defense post-Kursk?Kalaloch Reply   10/10/2005 10:32:23 PM
I've seen this idea proposed before more than once. Last year it was on one of the discuassion boards on Consimworld. It is always good for a interesting exchange. My take is such a strategy would have prolonged the war by about four to six months. The Red Army would have been taking Warsaw in April 1945 instead of Berlin. But were the Reich still intact in August 1945 not only would Allied armys in the east & west still be in overwhelming strength, the US/Brit bombing campaigns would be increasingly effective, and at least two atomic bombs would have been available. In terms of total warfare the Nazi stratigic situation appears completely hopeless from late 1942.
 
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kalaloch    RE:The elastic German defense post-Kursk?Kalaloch Reply   10/11/2005 1:46:48 PM
I often watch the movie "A Bridge Too Far" to remind me just how badly the best of planning and ideas can end. S-2 is absolutely correct in that Adolf would never have, of his own volition, sanctioned a withdrawl from the Crimea. Further, while I make the case for a coherent, organized and rapid withdraw to the Dneiper, I fail to mention that Hitler was going to do everything possible; militarily; to retain control of the Donbass. I was putting a heck of a lot of "what-if's" into the equation; but primarily some rational thought process on the part of the German political leadership. It's absolutely on the mark that the Pz IV's (even with the L/48 75mm and the decreasing amount of AP40 available) were having a heck of a time with the emerging T-34/85's. By the autumn of 1943, Soviet units that were expecting to face German armor could expect to have 7 or 8 rounds of their sub-caliber ammunition; and this scale began to tip in favor of the Soviets versus German supply and production beginning at the end of the summer of 1943. I conceede that the personnel on the Mius front were exhausted. However, I believe that only bolsters my argument for the organized retreat to the Dneiper before November 1st. I also recognize there was growing, and sustained, pressure on Army Group North---the poor stepchild to Army Groups Center and South. 2SS Panzer was lacking its full second Panzer battalion at Kursk, because they were off training in and acquiring new Panthers back in Germany. Hence the collection of 25 T-34/76 in the division TOE on July 4. IF the information I have is accurate, the training was cut short and the battalion dispatched to join Das Reich as it redeployed west. Yes, Italy was an example of ecomony-of-force defense; although I'm not so assured that the Western Allies would have had a clear road north were less force to have been deployed. Of course, the other side is that the Western Allies learned a great deal from the operations at Salerno and Anzio that payed great dividens during OVERLORD. Italy also highlighted less than sterling American leadership (re: General Mark Clark), and only contributed to the British disdain of American ground combat capabilities. But to Russia...Adolf simply was not going to approve a policy that involved wholesale evacuation of conqured turf. It's fairly evident that Germany did need the resouces of the Donbass, but it's also patently clear; post-Kursk; that there was not going to be any possible chance of effectively defending them. As to the delay of the Soviets entering Berlin 4 months later; that very delay would have put enourmous pressure on Eisenhower to move deeper into Germany. Given Churchill's behavior up to this point, I see no reason to doubt that; were the Soviets hung up on the Vistula and IF--IF--matters had played out identically on the Western front (failed Ardennes counter-offensive, penetration of the Ruhr), the political masters would have forced action on Ike no matter his protestations. Never-the-less, I return to my earlier point: Germany simply could not produce enough material, across the board, to meet the needs. While some of the results they acomplished were outstanding given what resources were avaialble...they were purely defensive accomplishments. I would submit that had Manstein and Model been given free reign (and yes, I recognize that implies the two could EVER learn to get along), the Soviets could have been bled, and massively so, in an organized withdrawl to the Dneiper. That the Germans were still able to perform local counter-attacks and defenses which produced disproportionate losses on the encroaching Soviet forces is testament to better leadership and training at the tactical level. But I also submit that, no matter the skill of the tactical leadership, personnel and equipment, it will never redress poor political decisions. "Wolf by the throat" is a very apt description; and it's awfully hard to stab or shoot if your hands are already full.
 
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S-2    RE:The elastic German defense post-Kursk?Kalaloch Reply   10/11/2005 5:58:12 PM
"...my argument for the organized retreat to the Dneiper before November 1st." I went back to your original thread where you said something about Hitler approving a withdrawal by Aug. 1. Approval or actually withdrawn? A couple odds and ends... you're correct about Das Reich. 1/S.S. Pz Regt. 2 returned from France in August equipped with 71 Pz V. Interestingly, from July 1 through Oct 31, 1943, the entire eastern front only received 106 Tigers, 238 Panthers, and 98 Mk IV (75mm/L48)as part of unit deployments to the front. Of course, individual tanks continued to be shipped east as replacement tanks to those Pz. Regt. engaged in battle. The above numbers represented one complete
 
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S-2    RE:The elastic German defense post-Kursk?Continued   10/11/2005 9:00:15 PM
heavy unit (s.Pz.Abt.506), and two w/only two companies (s.Pz.Abt.502/III/Pz.Regt.G.D.). I/S.S. Pz. Regt.2, II/Pz. Regt.23, and I/Pz. Regt.2 moved east w/Panthers. 14 Pz. Div. and 24 Pz. Div. deployed with a Regt. staff and a single mixed abteilung of stug.III and Mk. IV. That was it across the entire eastern front until early Nov. 1943. Since Hitler's adamance about the defense of the Crimea and Donbas made remote the possibility of a strategic withdrawal to the Dnieper, one alternative approach would have been a defensive battle along the Kursk salient. The primary advantage would be three and one-half months of defensive preparations on either side of the salient; fresh, trained, largely reconstituted forces (particularly the infantry divisions-for perhaps the last time); and the retention of a large number of Pz. Div. into an operational or strategic reserve. Clearly, German forces would have needed to reinforce the base of the salient to a far greater degree than actuality. The Soviet Union, regardless of foreknowledge of German intentions to DEFEND, would eventually need to attack somewhere-probably Kursk. Given significant mechanized operational reserves, and healthy infantry divisions, Von Manstein would have been endowed with capabilities far beyond his assets in Feb.-March, 1943. Too, were German forces able to withdraw from one side or the other of the salient, preferably both sides, defensive lines would have been considerably shorter for the German army. Perhaps even more troops freed. Of course, it was impossible for Hitler to consider a withdrawal from Orel and/or Kharkov. Finally, imagine a withdrawal from the Crimea in the Spring of 1943. Combined with the above, that would be a considerably stronger Wehrmacht than ultimately faced by the Soviets from their defensive positions in early July, 1943. THAT would have been a interesting scenario to me. Sorry to all about the writus interruptus.
 
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